The existing controversy about the time frame in which perceptual memory guides attention may be attributable in large part to the difficulty of generalizing conclusions from studies performed in highly artificial laboratory conditions. For example, the challenges faced by the attention system while searching for windowed sine-wave gratings embedded in static noise backgrounds (Najemnik & Geisler,
2005) may be quite different from challenges encountered during a visual search and discrimination task involving sparse arrays of simple shapes (Maljkovic & Nakayama,
1994). Alternatively, the plethora of estimates may reflect a real-world flexibility of the attention system, which can automatically make pragmatic choices between relying on vision versus memory, depending on which source of information is more likely to improve performance (Oliva, Wolfe, & Arsenio,
2004). In the following sections, we discuss two qualifications for this intuitively appealing proposal:
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Contrary to many laboratory conditions, real-world environments are typically too complex and demanding to allow for exclusive reliance on either vision or memory to select particular targets. If a savanna monkey is being chased by a lion, it better run for its life while simultaneously examining the path ahead, keeping track of the lion, and looking for alternative escape routes. In such dynamic circumstances that involve several different agents, obstacles, and distractors, as well as a large field of view, survival depends on efficient allocation of limited visual and mental resources. In this example, the chased monkey would likely benefit from retaining accurate internal representations of pertinent information, such as the lion's location, speed, and direction, while ignoring irrelevant information, such as the lion's color and texture. In other circumstances, such as while searching for fruits embedded in foliage, the relative importance of colors and textures may increase compared with motion signals, which may be irrelevant (leaves blowing in the wind). The important point here is not the type of perceptual information that may be retained in different circumstances but rather the complexity of real-world challenges, which often necessitate the involvement of both vision (or other forms of sensation) and memory.
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Vision and memory are not interchangeable sources of information. For example, while watching players taking jump shots in a basketball game, our participants sometimes made saccades toward the hoop, even before the ball left the player's hands (i.e., before the ball's trajectory could have been analyzed based on its visual motion). It appears that such attentional selections depended on simultaneous integration of several bottom–up and top–down influences, including the movement of the player, prior knowledge of what typically happens to balls when players take jump shots, and the exact location of the hoop. The conclusion that vision and memory can substitute for each other depending on their instantaneous utility may only apply to artificial laboratory stimuli that often undermine the utility of prior world knowledge.