As we navigate through and interact with our environment, our visual systems are constantly faced with a vast and limitless stream of visual information. Unable to attend to all such input, we are forced to select particular aspects of the visual environment for further processing. The mechanism by which this selection and prioritization process occurs is called visual attention. Effective functioning in everyday life relies on our ability to proficiently shift and allocate visual attention as needed.
So how then do we choose which aspects of our visual environment to attend and process further? Most researchers would agree that the allocation of visual attention can be driven by both “top-down” processes related to our goals and expectations as well as “bottom-up” processes related to low-level characteristics of the stimuli (Yantis & Egeth,
1999). At any given moment, our attention may be influenced by one or both of these factors. For example, while driving on an unfamiliar stretch of highway, we may try to actively search our environment for a white speed limit sign (goal-directed attention) but be distracted by the flashing red and blue lights in the rearview mirror (stimulus-driven attention).
Previous research has shown that a number of different stimulus properties (e.g., color, line orientation) may be utilized to direct attention in a top-down fashion when such properties are task relevant and/or consistent with the person's current goals (Folk, Remington, & Wright,
1994; Yantis & Egeth,
1999). In contrast, other types of stimuli continue to influence attention independent of a person's intentions and as such may attract attention even when it is detrimental to the task at hand (e.g., Christ & Abrams,
2006a,
2006b; Neo & Chua,
2006). These latter stimuli seem able to capture attention in a truly bottom-up, stimulus-driven fashion.
One stimulus event which is believed to capture attention in a stimulus-driven manner and which has been the focus of extensive research in the past is the appearance of a new object (Yantis & Jonides,
1984,
1996). Past studies have found that, for a brief period of time following their appearance, new objects enjoy a perceptual advantage and are given attentional priority over pre-existing objects (e.g., Davoli, Suszko, & Abrams,
2007; Enns, Austen, Lollo, Rauschenberger, & Yantis,
2001; Oonk & Abrams,
1998). In addition, recent work by our research group and others (Christ & Abrams,
2006a; Neo & Chua,
2006) has shown that the capture of attention by a new object may be automatic in that a new object continues to influence one's attentional allocation even in the presence of strong motivation to maintain attention elsewhere in the display.
Recently, researchers have reported a new visual attribute that appears to also capture attention in a bottom-up fashion: new motion in a scene (Abrams & Christ,
2003; Franconeri & Simons,
2003).
1 Utilizing a visual search paradigm, we (Abrams & Christ,
2006) found that participants were faster to respond to a target that appeared in an item that recently had begun to move (new motion) as compared to items that were not moving (static), had been moving for some time (old motion), or recently had stopped moving (motion offset) despite the fact that the target was equally likely to appear in any one of these items. In addition, the new motion item appeared to be given attentional priority as evidenced by the fact that participants were equally fast to respond to a target in the new motion item regardless of the number of distracting items present in the display. Results from subsequent studies (Abrams & Christ,
2005; Christ & Abrams,
2006b) suggest that the attentional influence of new motion, like that of a new object, appears to be automatic and resistant to suppression.
The previous research on new objects and new motion has generally studied these phenomena and their influence on attention in isolation from one another. For example, Abrams and Christ (
2003) compared targets that underwent various different types of motion using only displays in which no new objects appeared. On the other hand, Yantis and Jonides (
1984) examined attentional capture by new objects in the absence of new motion. Given the dynamic nature of our day-to-day environment; however, it is unlikely that these visual events always occur in isolation in the real world. As such, studying the effects of new objects and new motion in the presence of the other, not just in isolation, may allow for greater ecological validity. The present study was designed to do precisely that and, as a result, to extend our understanding of stimulus-driven capture of attention to a more realistic, dynamic situation.
As a starting point, we focused on the co-occurrence of new objects and new motion as it relates to a previously unresolved discrepancy within the literature on motion and attention. Although recent findings (Abrams & Christ,
2003; Christ, Castel, & Abrams,
in press; Franconeri & Simons,
2003) support the notion that new motion captures attention, a handful of earlier studies (Hillstrom & Yantis,
1994; Yantis & Egeth,
1999) failed to find evidence of any such attentional benefit for motion.
One possible explanation for these mixed findings relates to the fact that, in those studies where motion was not found to attract attention (Hillstrom & Yantis,
1994; Yantis & Egeth,
1999), motion was coupled with the appearance of a new object and the attentional advantage of motion was evaluated by comparing a newly appearing moving object to a newly appearing static object. In contrast, in the majority of studies were motion did attract attention (Abrams & Christ,
2003; Franconeri & Simons,
2003), motion was not coupled with a new object and its attentional advantage was evaluated by comparing pre-existing objects that were either static or newly moving. Preliminary support for this notion comes from a recently reported experiment (Abrams & Christ,
2006) in which we found that the attentional benefit for motion was substantially smaller when the onset of the motion coincided with the initial appearance of the search array elements (thus coinciding with the appearance of multiple new objects) as compared to when it occurred later.
In our first experiment, we sought to further examine whether co-occurrence with a new object does indeed dampen the attentional influence of new motion and therefore could explain otherwise discrepant past results in the literature. In the subsequent two experiments, we evaluate the role of low-level luminance transients, such as those that often accompany the appearance of new objects and new motion.