Taken together, these findings in change detection paradigms help explain why an age-related deficit in processing speed was more readily observed in
Experiment 2 compared with
Experiment 1. Clearly, any delay in inhibiting nontargets for older adults would contribute to slower processing of target information. Nevertheless, our finding that the age-related deficit in processing speed is similar in
Experiments 2 and
3 but that the time to reach equivalent performance is greater in
Experiment 3 suggests that a reduction in the ability to suppress the processing of, or filter out, non-targets, is not the major contributor of performance differences in the literature for older adults. Adding a single additional item in
Experiment 3 had a similar impact to adding three additional items in
Experiment 2, suggesting that having to
process and maintain multiple object representations in working memory has a greater effect than distractor filtering on the rate of visual information processing. One explanation for this is that older adults have reduced working memory capacity (e.g., Chen et al.,
2003) and if this resource can be flexibly allocated (Bays & Husain,
2008; Bays, Gorgoraptis, Wee, Marshall, & Husain,
2011, although see
Zhang & Luck,
2008) then reduced resources will lead to slower encoding into working memory. That is, slower encoding is the result of a reduction in capacity. Speaking against this is that in
Experiment 3 only two objects required processing, which seems likely to be within resource limits, and the age difference in asymptotic performance was similar in
Experiment 1 (one object) to
Experiment 3 (two objects), suggesting memory capacity was not exceeded in either experiment. Another explanation is that the slower processing was the result of attention capacity limits. There is evidence for age differences in attention capacity in older adults (for a review, see Zanto & Gazzaley,
2014) and evidence that attention is a flexible resource (Alvarez & Franconeri,
2007; Howard & Holcombe,
2008), with reductions in the fidelity of processing even when required to attend to two objects relative to just one. Thus, older adults may presently have suffered from a greater reduction in available attentional resources per object than younger adults when the load is increased from one to two objects. Crucially, though, the age-related processing rate difference was equally severe in
Experiment 2 and
Experiment 3, yet
Experiment 3 was arguably less attentionally demanding than
Experiment 2 (i.e., fewer objects and features requiring attention). In
Experiment 2, older adults therefore appear to have benefited from the ability to filter out nontargets and spatial frequency information at the encoding stage, once the target had been identified. In contrast, age-related reductions in attentional capacity become problematic when the information is required to be encoded into visual working memory. That older adults' reduced processing speed is more prevalent when demands are placed on visual working memory complements previous research showing that, out of a variety of measures, visual working memory capacity is best predicted by processing speed (Brown et al.,
2012).