Importantly, by showing that moving faces produce identity aftereffects as readily as static faces our results suggest that face adaptation likely occurs in everyday life, where faces are often dynamic. In particular, our finding that moving faces can produce adaptation effects is critical for the proposal that adaptation plays a functional role in face perception. Adaptation is argued to calibrate face norms, optimizing our ability to discriminate between faces (e.g., Dennett et al.,
2012; Palermo et al.,
2017; Rhodes, Jeffery, et al.,
2014; Rhodes et al., (
2010). Support for this argument comes indirectly from studies showing that face adaptation effects are reduced in clinical groups who experience face recognition difficulties, such as individuals with prosopagnosia (Palermo et al.,
2011), children with autism and their relatives (Ewing, Leach, Pellicano, Jeffery, & Rhodes,
2013; Ewing, Pellicano, & Rhodes,
2013; Fiorentini, Gray, Rhodes, Jeffery, & Pellicano,
2012; Pellicano, Jeffery, Burr, & Rhodes,
2007; Pellicano, Rhodes, & Calder,
2013; Pimperton, Pellicano, Jeffery, & Rhodes,
2009) and patients whose early vision in infancy was compromised by congenital bilateral cataracts (Rhodes, Nishimura, de Heering, Jeffery, & Maurer,
2017). Individual variation in face recognition ability in typical individuals is also positively associated with the strength of face adaptation effects (Dennett et al.,
2012; Palermo et al.,
2017; Rhodes, Jeffery et al.,
2014). The emerging picture from these studies is that attenuated, or sluggish, adaptation might lead to poorly calibrated face norms, which in turn results in poorer ability to discriminate and remember faces. Our finding that adaptation occurs for video footage of moving faces strengthens this argument by showing that face norms could be calibrated by adaptation to the moving faces that we encounter in the real world.